| ©1990, 1995 | section list | 8: Conclusions | overview | General Contents |
| Section 8.2 | 8.3 Further work subsections | Section 9.1 | ||
In the second sea-searching experiment (§7), a context structure was derived based on explicit use of sensors. In contrast, during a task where the information was freely available, it would be more difficult to demonstrate the existence of a context structure, albeit easy to imagine. To set the idea of contexts on a firm footing, we should be able to derive such a structure without needing to monitor the information explicitly, nor relying on verbal reports of phases and information use. At the same time, room for improvement exists for finding more accurate and reasonable rules governing the actions taken. How could we envisage progress being made in these two areas?
The essence of the concept of context that has been introduced here is that it is useful for a number of purposes simultaneously. For regularly performed complex human tasks, it is economical to conjecture that a manageable number of rules for a limited range of actions should be closely associated with an information environment that: supports the application of those rules; is processable within the limits of human capability; and supports the rules necessary to switch to different contexts where appropriate.
One approach to this would be to start looking for a set of rules that fitted at all into a context structure: or, looking at the problem the other way round, to look for a context structure that divides rules up into suitable groups. The action rules that we have seen here each have conditions and an action: the conditions as a group, and the actions, can be true or false for any given example (here we are not counting the appropriateness of the context as a condition). What can we say about the truth of conditions and actions in the ideal model?
To consider this in more detail, one may recognise the way in which a rule can divide up a set of examples. Thus any rule divides the set of examples into four:
It would be easy to derive an unsatisfactory context structure by concentrating on one aspect while neglecting the others. For a given set of rules, division of a data set into a large enough number of contexts would presumably be able to separate off the examples with true conditions and false actions: but this would be likely to lead to the inability to form rules governing context applicability. Alternatively, concentrating on plausible contexts with clear transition rules would be less likely to result in the ability of the contexts to distinguish accurately the applicability of rules. Again, if the contexts were chosen in advance, rules could be induced wholly inside those contexts, which would guarantee that the contexts served to limit the applicability of the rules, but to be sure of doing this, the rules would most likely be very numerous, and would be less likely to predict actions accurately.
Satisfying all these constraints for a context-based rule system poses a very challenging task. Could these constraints actually be sufficient to obviate the need for explicit knowledge of human information-processing limitations? After all, if the data is all taken from Eve human performance, the constraints should in principle be able to be discovered from the data, not vice versa.
How could an answer to this question be approached? If we could define a goal, in terms of the desired characteristics of a representation, we could perhaps set up a heuristic search (in effect, through representation space), to find a representation which both conformed to expectations about context structure, and allowed action rules to be induced that accurately predicted human task performance. Unfortunately, it is not clear how to define such a goal; nor, for any given goal, is there any obvious way of determining whether it is attainable at all. A less explicitly goal-oriented approach would be to define a measure of success of a representation, and search for better ones for as long as desired. This is one way of looking at the process that has been followed in this study: the main criterion of success of a representation has been the performance, compared with the default rule, of the rules induced with that representation.
But this study has been searching for something at a deeper level. This is that the success of a representation is the extent to which it divides up the data into different contexts which are recognisably different both internally, in terms of induced rules, or ruliness; and externally, in that there is some method, or there are some rules, for determining either which context should apply to any situation, or when a transition from one context to another should be made. More criteria which have not been discussed extensively are that the representation should minimise simultaneously the number of contexts, the number of rules in each context, and the information and amount of processing needed both to execute those rules, and to determine the context. The trade-offs inherent in attempting to satisfy these conflicting criteria have yet to be determined. In short, this thesis suggests that something like what is called here context constitutes a naturally occurring structural element in the analysis of human performance of complex tasks, and that therefore representations of the control of complex systems should incorporate context as a salient feature. Still better criteria for approximating human representations should be a goal for future work.
The analyses in this study have used floating-point quantities (effectively continuous from a human point of view). This is because recent induction algorithms have been designed to process floating-point values, and to introduce their own divisions of these quantities into qualitative ranges. However, the literature referenced in §2.3.3.5 considers that humans often treat continuous quantities as if they were composed of a small number of discrete qualitative ranges. Also, in §3.2, we looked at the problem of dividing up continuous variables into qualitative ranges for the control of a dynamic system. This leads on to considering the potential of extending the context analysis to incorporate qualitative divisions, rather than leaving it to the induction programs.
This could be done by insisting that within any context, the qualitative ranges that are used by the different rules must be harmonised. It is clear that CN2, at least, does not consider this when constructing rules-see the rules in Appendix B, in which each quantity has many different splitting values, or thresholds, to use the terminology of §3.2. To implement a harmonisation of qualitative ranges would either need a major change to a rule-induction algorithm, or a possibly unwieldy arrangement whereby different thresholds were tested out for efficiency by reinducing all the rules for the context, using existing induction algorithms. Another implementation problem is that it is not clear how to set the trade-off between accuracy of induced rules and number of thresholds.
But if this were indeed possible, the information presented to the operator of a redesigned interface could be presented in a discrete, rather than an analogue, form, and this would enable a great reduction in the amount of information presented. Effectively all the unused information from the high-resolution sensors would be cut out, leaving only the essential bits. Whether or not this would be a good idea overall is difficult to determine; but it would certainly provide feedback about whether the analysis was accurate or not. If the operator's performance was impaired by having only qualitative information rather than quantitative, one would be led to ask what that extra information was being used for. On the other hand, it is conceivable that the operator would find the task easier, due to the simplification of the presented information, and the reduction of distracting extraneous information.
If rules are specific to contexts, it makes sense to consider the actions specified by them as proper to contexts as well. This implies another potential constraint on, and another way of discovering about, contexts. The constraint is that each context should have a limited number of possible actions: in practice, if the number of rules is already restricted, this means that those rules must be predicting only a small range of actions. Independently of rules, one could use the co-occurrence of actions as another guide to the sections of data belonging to different contexts, because one would expect each context to have a peculiar pattern of actions.
However, it is also important to remember that actions from the point of view of cognitive analysis are not necessarily the same as individual button-presses, or whatever else the most basic interaction with the system is. As in §6, an analysis of sequences of actions may be necessary to establish more correctly what the cognitive actions are. Such an analysis may be called for if one were to find that a context did contain unreasonably many individual actions. Using better-represented actions could be expected to clarify context structure as well as to improve the apparent ruliness within contexts.
The extension of machine learning techniques in the analysis of aspects of human task performance has been discussed above. A question which naturally arises from this is, can machine learning alone learn how to perform a task in a similar way to a human, without knowing anything about how humans have actually performed it? If this could be done, it would clearly relate to early design (§8.2.6), and possibly to training. The ultimate goal here would be the automatic analysis of a task that had not yet been mastered, and the generation of a training programme to teach it to humans.
The answer to this question depends on what we mean by 'similar' to a human. The strongest criterion would be a Turing test-whether other people could distinguish between the performance of humans and the performance of the machine-acquired skill. The possibility of such a skilled machine for complex tasks is limited by our knowledge of the information-processing structures of the human, and so progress towards that goal would come with the refinement of our knowledge about human skill and knowledge. But there are also weaker criteria. As Michie & Johnston pointed out [81], it is becoming increasingly important that such knowledge as is acquired automatically, is accessible to humans, for checking its validity and applicability. But in order to fit into this 'human window', it is not strictly necessary to perform a task in a human-like way, but only to have a humanly manageable structure to it. A context structure, irrespective of how closely it corresponds to actual human practice, is certainly a reasonable approach to providing just the kind of structure to a task that it would be relatively easy to understand. This is because a context structure is a way of minimising the amount of information, the number of rules, and the complexity of processing, that has to be dealt with at any time. It would be interesting and significant to know what features of a task structure are strictly implied by this quest for minimising cognitive difficulty. This would be a valuable extension along more formal lines.
After deciding on the form of what is to be learnt, the next problem for machine learning to tackle is how to go about learning the content. If we were to suppose that humans are good at learning new, unstructured problems, then machine learning might also profitably gain from copying a model of human learning. In this case, advance in machine learning and advance in the study of human learning would share a direction for progress. Hence, our last consideration is directed towards human learning.
Investigating parameters for the structure and content of human task performing skill has already been mentioned. The contribution of this study is in suggesting the importance of rules and ruliness, and the centrality of the concept of context; and in suggesting some of the central parameters which might govern contexts: amount of information available; number of rules; complexity of higher-level rules for determining context; processing requirements in the gathering of information into a usable form, and in the execution of rules.
We have seen above (§7.2.7) how some contexts appear to be well-defined, but not ruly, on the basis of rule-induction from obvious attributes. This has suggested a distinction paralleling Rasmussen's, between contexts where the information processing has more knowledge-based character, and when it has a more rule-based character. Here we draw attention to the possible need to model these kinds of context differently. Since it has been supposed that the knowledge-based approach comes before the rule-based or the skill-based, a model of learning could address the question of how general-purpose problem-solving contexts become gradually differentiated into specific, efficient, task-oriented rule- or skill-based contexts.
We have noted above (§6.4.6) how the methods of this study are not well-suited to the study of the early stages of learning, and indeed to the study of the learning process itself. This was partly because it is difficult to obtain sufficient data at a stable early level of skill. One plausible idea for circumventing this would be to arrange a study of subjects whose practice would be strictly regulated, interspersing periods of learning and improvement with periods when just the right amount of practice was done so that the performance remained at a stable level, neither improving because of too much practice, nor declining through too much time between the practices. Whether this could work, even in principle, would depend on whether what was learnt was the same as what was forgotten. If one could, by this means or any other, gather a much larger amount of data from the early stages of learning a skill, it would become possible to use the kind of methods both that have been used here, and that have been discussed as improvements.
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